The President, in turn, chooses the Cabinet of Indonesia which forms the executive branch that maintain the day-to-day governance. The MPR functions in formalizing broad outlines of state policies, inaugurating the president and supporting and amending the constitution. The Constitution of Indonesia runs the country. Indonesia constitution of gives the executive branch of the government most of the powers, particularly the president. Also, the law provides for the Supreme Advisor Council, a body of presidential advisers whose advice is not legally binding, as well as giving the president power to appoint Supreme Audit Board which finances the state finance.
In the legislation limited the President to two terms. In , the new law decreed that both leaders ought to be elected directly. In general, the Constitution dictates the function and structure of the government, outlays the fundamental rights of the citizens, and preserves national cultural standards.
The citizens of Indonesia must vote for both the President and Vice President for five-year terms. The president is the head of state, supreme commander of the Indonesian armed forces and responsible for, maintaining internal governance, making domestic policies and foreign affairs. He or she appoints cabinet ministers.
The representatives manage economic issues, defense, education, agriculture, foreign affairs and religious affairs. The president determines the number and nature of ministers. Its judges are appointed by the president. Dewan Perwakilan Daerah are elected by single non-transferable vote. The Dewan Perwakilan Rakya are elected by open-list proportional representation in multi-member constituencies.
Covers basic topics including the role, function, and structure of government; basic rights of citizens; and nationwide cultural standards.
Government Type: Presidential Republic. Coat of Arms of Republic of Indonesia. In , however, the PPP forced a recorded vote on two amendments to the Broad Outlines of State Policy, which, although the government won overwhelmingly, was taken by some observers as an indication that automatic adherence to the requirement for consensus was no longer a given in Indonesian politics. The first issue advanced by the PPP had to do with the legal status of Javanese mysticism aliran kepercayaan as a recognized religion.
Aliran kepercayaan is the formal expression of kebatinan or religiously syncretic Javanism, a set of religious practices that the PPP rejected as heterodoxy. The second amendment had to do with a commitment to cleaner and fairer elections.
This issue reflected the PPP's experiences in the general election. In , in response to the perception that the MPR was no longer satisfied with a rubber-stamp role, Suharto declared that the MPR would have greater input into the initial stages of drafting the Broad Outlines of State Policy.
This member body meets annually, opening on August 16, the eve of National Day when the president delivers his National Day speech. Four hundred of the DPR seats are electorally contested by the three political parties Golkar, PPP, and PDI in provincial constituencies, which in the general election were based on a population ratio of approximately 1 representative per , people.
Each administrative territorial district kabupaten is guaranteed at least one representative no matter what its population. A further seats are allocated to military representatives who are appointed on the recommendation of ABRI. The justification for the ABRI faction is that since members of the armed forces cannot take part in elections, their political rights as a sociopolitical and defense force were served through guaranteed DPR seats.
Faced with civilian resentment about the privileged position of ABRI in the parliamentary bodies, Suharto warned that denying the military legitimate input into the legislative process could lead to a coup.
The DPR is led by a speaker elected from the membership. Work is organized through eleven permanent committees, each with a specific functional area of governmental affairs. The legislative process begins with the submission by the government of a bill to the DPR. Although members can initiate a bill, it must be accompanied by an explanatory memorandum signed by at least thirty legislators.
The first reading is its introduction in an open plenary session. This reading is followed by a general debate in open plenary session with the government's right of reply. The bill is then discussed in committee with the government or initiating members. The final discussion of the draft legislation takes place in open plenary session, after which the DPR makes its decision.
The deliberations of the DPR are designed to produce consensus. It is the political preference of the leadership to avoid overt expressions of less than complete support. This position is justified by the claim of a cultural predisposition to avoid, if possible, votes in which majority-minority opposing positions are recorded. If votes are necessary, however, a quorum requires a two-thirds majority.
On issues of nomination and appointment voting is by secret ballot but on all other matters by show of hands. During Suharto's fifth term , however, with the appearance of many younger DPR members, there was a new willingness to use the forum for fuller and more forthright discussions of public issues and policies, even by Golkar members.
This openness paralleled a similar trend toward greater openness in nonlegislative elite circles that seemingly had received government encouragement.
Part of the discussion inside and outside of the DPR had to do with increasing the role and institutional capability of the parliament in order to enhance political participation. Indonesia's government is a strong presidential system. The president is elected for a five-year term by a majority vote of the MPR, and he may be reelected when his term expires. The only constitutional qualification for office is that the president be a native-born Indonesian citizen. In addition to his executive authority, the president is vested with legislative power, acting in concurrence with the DPR.
The president also serves as the supreme commander of ABRI. He is aided in his executive role by a presidentially appointed cabinet. Between and , Indonesia had two presidents: Sukarno from to , and Suharto from Suharto became president in a process that, while ostensibly claiming to be constitutional, had as its main instrument ABRI's coercive force.
On March 11, , under great pressure, Sukarno signed an order popularly known as Supersemar Executive Order of March 11, , that de facto transferred presidential authority, although not the office, to then General Suharto. He was unanimously reelected in , , , and Toward the end of Suharto's fourth term of office, the question of possible term limitation was raised and became an issue in the political dialogue of the fifth term.
Although he remained uncommitted about accepting a sixth term Suharto responded directly to the issue, repeatedly stating that the right to determine who would be president resided in the MPR. The term limitation question was embedded in the larger question of presidential succession in the event that Suharto chose to step down or declined to accept reelection.
The term limitation question also had the effect of refocusing attention on the vice presidential office. Constitutionally, the president is to be assisted in his duties by a vice president, who succeeds in the event of the president's death, removal, or inability to exercise official duties.
Although not constitutionally prescribed, it has been accepted that the president would present his own nominee for vice president to be elected by the MPR. Although only vaguely defined, the office diminished in importance since it was first held by revolutionary hero and federalist Mohammad Hatta from to Hatta's status was parallel to that of Sukarno, representing the concept of a duumvirate of authority dwitunggal.
After Hatta's resignation in , the office remained vacant until when it was filled by Hamengkubuwono IX, the Sultan of Yogyakarta. The sultan's arrival in office symbolically expanded the militarybacked power base of the New Order, conferring on it the nonmilitary legitimacy of the traditional Javanese political culture. Hamengkubuwono's decision not to seek reelection in was interpreted partly as disenchantment with the military, which was unwilling to share authority with civilians.
Adam Malik, a former minister of foreign affairs, was the last civilian vice president He was replaced in by low-profile General Umar Wirahadikusumah. In Golkar chairman Lieutenant General retired Sudharmono was elected vice president in an MPR session roiled by behind-the-scenes military politics of presidential succession. In the prelude to the MPR session, expectations about a sixth term for Suharto fueled new speculation about the vice-presidential selection.
Succession politics intervened in the elections when it appeared that in selecting a vice president the president might be signalling a successor, especially because he had hinted that he might step down before the fifth term ended in Important elements in ABRI's leadership were dissatisfied with the possibility that Sudharmono, an army lawyer and career bureaucrat, might be tapped, and the ABRI faction in the MPR refused to join Golkar and the regional delegates in nominating him.
The president was forced to make explicit his support for Sudharmono and his intention to serve out his term. Faced with this direct challenge by the president, Naro backed away from forcing a vote and Sudharmono became vice president by acclamation. The political drama of the vice presidential election foreshadowed the role succession politics would play throughout Suharto's fifth term. The president is assisted by state ministers appointed by him.
In Suharto named his Fifth Development Cabinet, paralleling Repelita V the fifth five-year development plan, fiscal year Twenty-one departments were headed by ministers in These departments were grouped under three coordinating ministers: politics and security; economics, finance, industry, and development supervision; and public welfare.
There were eight ministers of state and six junior ministers. In addition to the cabinet members, three high-ranking state officials were accorded ministerial rank: the commander in chief of ABRI in the Fifth Development Cabinet, General Try Sutrisno ; the attorney general; and the governor of Bank Indonesia, the central bank.
Of the thirty-eight members of the Fifth Development Cabinet, ten held the same positions in the Fourth Development Cabinet, nine continued in the cabinet but with different posts, and nineteen were new ministers--a balance of continuity and renewal. Specialized agencies and boards at the central government level are numerous and diverse.
At lower levels there are regional planing agencies, investment boards, and development banks under the aegis of the central government. Two other constitutionally mandated quasi-independent bodies exist to support the executive and the government.
The Supreme Advisory Council is mandated by Article 16 of the constitution. A forty-five-member group nominated by the DPR and appointed by the president, the council responds to any presidential question regarding affairs of state.
It is organized into four permanent committees: political; economic, financial, and industrial; people's welfare; and defense and security. The State Audit Board is specified in Article 23 of the constitution to conduct official examinations of the government's finances. It reports to the DPR, which approves the government's budget requests. The Indonesian legal system is extraordinarily complex, the independent state having inherited three sources of law: customary or adat law, traditionally the basis for resolving interpersonal disputes in the traditional village environment; Islamic law sharia, or, in Indonesian, syariah , often applied to disputes between Muslims; and Dutch colonial law.
0コメント